MANIAPOTO MAORI TRUST BOARD
A TRIBAL HISTORY 
1990 

CENTRE FOR MAAORI STUDIES AND RESEARCH
UNIVERSITY OF WAIKATO
HAMILTON

PREFACE

This report was prepared at the request of the Maniapoto Maaori Trust Board. The Board initially approached Wayne Taitoko (former Registrar, Waikato-Maniapoto Maaori Land Court) who is a Research Associate of the Centre for Maaori Studies and Research.

In its brief to the Centre, the Board requested that a report be compiled which defines the location of the historical tribal boundaries of Ngaati Maniapoto. Wayne Taitoko agreed to supervise the research.

In order to carry out this brief, the Board authorised the appointment of a research assistant. Michelle Nathan (BSocSc) was contracted for four months to assist Wayne in the compilation of the report. Her task included researching historical cartographic evidence, Maaori Land Court Minutes, numerous reports and petitions to Parliament, oral history and contemporary writings. She completed the major portion of this report.

The nature of the task was such that it was necessary to extend beyond the initial brief to produce a more comprehensive account. This report is by no means definitive and much more work is required.

The final editing of the manuscript was undertaken by the staff of the Centre for Maaori Studies and Research. It is the policy of the Centre to indicate the vowel length accurately by doubling the written vowel. This policy is followed throughout the paper, even in direct quotations, in order to encourage correct pronunciation of Maaori terms.

Hei tiimatanga noiho teenei. Kei muri anoo to rooanga oo ngaa koorero inaa tae to waa.

Kia ora

R T Mahuta Director

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The initial purpose of this report was to establish the tribal boundaries of Ngaati Maniapoto using the various sources referred to in this report. The tribal history of Ngaati Maniapoto has been the main source of information in establishing their boundaries.

Historical background plays a major role in defining not only boundaries but also tribal identity. Ngaati Maniapoto tribal history can be traced back to the Middle Eastern country of Egypt, then to the more familiar Polynesian land of Hawaiki from which the Tainui canoe voyaged. Since the landing of the Tainui canoe numerous events have occurred throughout the years which establish Ngaati Maniapoto as a tribe. Its boundaries are illustrated by the area known as the Rohe Pootae (external boundary), named the King Country by the Paakeha living there.

The opening up of the King Country led to a number of events, in particular the definition of the Rohe Pootae, the external boundary. The Petition map of 1883 illustrates the extent of the external boundary. This map also depicts the boundaries defined in the Proclamation, the Survey agreement and the Native Land Alienation Restriction Act. It can be concluded that such an extensive boundary for Ngaati Maniapoto is unacceptable as the tribal areas of Ngaati Raukawa, Whanganui, and Tuuwharetoa are included.

In evidence given by Ngaati Maniapoto chief Wahanui Huatere in 1886, he makes claim to the Rohe Pootae on behalf of the five tribes: Hikairo, Maniapoto, Raukawa, Tuuwharetoa and Whanganui. Based on this evidence, historical information, Pei Te Hurinui Jones's maps and Maaori Land Court proceedings, there is enough substantial information from which a boundary for Ngaati Maniapoto can be established. 

In terms of the southern boundary the relationship of Tainui with Ngaati Maniapoto establishes the boundary at Mookau. Pei's maps also portray the Mookau as the southern boundary. However, on another map of Pei's it is also shown as being south of the Mookau, starting from Paraninihi. The Maaori Land Court sitting in 1882 heard claims to the lands of Ngaati Tama of which Ngaati Maniapoto were the applicants. The final judgment was in favour of Ngaati Maniapoto, thus establishing the southern boundary further south of the Mookau River. 

On Pei's maps the Hauhungaroa range features predominantly as an eastern boundary between Ngaati Maniapoto and Tuuwharetoa.

The Puuniu River is depicted in Pei's maps as the northern boundary. History illustrates the significance of this small river, in that it served as a palisade during tribal wars and became the barrier to negotiation with government.

The Kiingitanga has always had support from Ngaati Maniapoto who have strong kinship ties with Waikato. However, because of government negotiations that led to the opening up of Kaawhia, King Taawhiao voiced his right of claim to Kaawhia as the landing place of the Tainui canoe and the last of the Ngaati Mahuta land, and this established Kaawhia within Waikato boundaries.

Ngaati Maniapoto is historically an established tribe. In these modern times Ngaati Maniapoto has shown a concern for the welfare and development of their people, thus forming the Maniapoto Maaori Trust Board. The Trust Board's main mission is:

"To preserve and protect the identity, integrity and interests of the Maniapoto Tribe".

The Maniapoto Maaori Trust Board, in its drive towards tribal development, has maintained this mission.

Maniapoto Maori Trust Board

1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Ngaati Maniapoto are descendants of the Tainui canoe. Historically the Tainui canoe, captained by Hoturoa, voyaged from Hawaiki to the land of Te Ika a Maui. After extensive exploration of the new found land the Tainui canoe arrived at Kaawhia where she was hauled ashore at Maketu, her final resting place.

Using Kelly's (1949) compilation of the accounts about the descendants of Hoturoa we can trace the founders/tuupuna of Ngaati Maniapoto. While the recorded history of the first five or six generations of Tainui migration is hazy, the genealogical lines of Ngaati Maniapoto are clearly established from the sixth generation on, being traced from the tribal chief Kakati of Whaaingaroa.

Kakati fathered two sons, Taawhao and Tuhianga. Taawhao also had two sons, Whatihua and Tuurongo. A great rivalry grew between the two brothers and because of this rivalry Tuurongo lost his betrothed Ruaputahanga to Whatihua. Following that Tuurongo journeyed to Tairawhiti in search of the beautiful maiden Mahinaarangi whom he married. Through this union was born Raukawa who married Tuurongoihi of Te Arawa; the result of this marriage was Rereahu, Whakatere, Takihiku and Kurawai. It is Rereahu's second marriage to Hineaupounamu that assumes great importance for eight children were born: Maniapoto, Matakore, Tuwhakahekeao, Tuurongotapurau, Te Iowananga, Kahuariari, Kinohaku and Te Rongorito. These children grew up and settled in regions of the Waipaa, Mangaokewa, and Te Kuiti, being centered at Te Kuiti.

On his deathbed Rereahu conferred his mana on Maniapoto over Te Ihingarangi (who was his son from his first marriage). Te Ihingarangi vowed he would reassert his own mana by overthrowing Maniapoto. This resulted in an incident that left Te Ihingarangi humiliated and forced him to live elsewhere. Maniapoto remained the undisputed leader. It is from "Maniapoto" that the tribe Maniapoto derives its name.

Maniapoto and his people were settled at the mouth of Te Kuititanga (entrance to the gorge), when a tribe from the east coast led by a chief named Houtaketake settled in the same region. It was not long before Houtaketake's tribesmen began to behave presumptuously, insulting Maniapoto. Houtaketake led an attack on Maniapoto and in the course of the battle challenged Maniapoto to single combat. Maniapoto easily killed him. The rest of the enemy are said to have fled after witnessing the defeat of their chief.

Maniapoto had two sons named Te Kawairirangi and Roora. It is the latter son, Roora, who agreed to marry Kuramoonehu of Ngaati Hia. Time passed and Roora noticed that his wife was showing signs of affection for another man called Tuatini. Roora confronted his wife who confessed that his suspicions were right and Tuatini was her lover. In front of the people assembled at the Motakiora marae, Roora killed Tuatini in a brutal manner. Tuatini's horrified kinsmen fled and later avenged the death of Tuatini by killing Roora. The news of Roora's death prompted Maniapoto to send a war party headed by his younger brother Tuwhakahekeao to Motakiora. The majority of the enemy were killed but some were spared as originally only Roora had been killed and there was some justification for his death.

After this episode Maniapoto retired to Hikurangi where he spent most of his time at a cave called Te Anauriuri, south of Hangatiki. Nearing his death Maniapoto addressed his people for the last time, "Kia mau ki teenaa. Kia mau ki to kawau maaroo." (Hold fast to that. Hold fast to the swoop of the cormorant!) Maniapoto was expressing his wish that his people would continue to be a tribe of warriors. This has become the tribal motto of Ngaati Maniapoto.

Te Kawairirangi, the eldest son of Maniapoto from his first marriage, had Rongotauamea, Pareuekaha, Uekaha and Tutanumia. Hearing of the great beauty of twins in Taamaki, Te Kawairirangi ventured north to the great pa Maungakiekie. He eventually married them. One of them, Marei, gave birth to Rungaterangi and the other, Maaroa, gave birth to Tukemata. Both sons returned to the country of their father and became Ngaati Maniapoto leaders.

Tukemata was killed by Whanganui during an invasion near Te Aniuriuri, calling for revenge by his brother, Rungaterangi, who for unknown reasons was set upon by his wife's brothers and killed on the seashore at Mookau. His decomposed remains were found and, according to Kelly, Rungaterangi's head was removed and was still in Ngaati Maniapoto possession when Tainui was published in 1949.

Following the death of Te Kawairirangi at Taamaki and that of Rungaterangi at Mookau, there arose a saying, "Mookau ki runga, Taamaki ki raro" (Mookau above, Taamaki below), an expression now used to denote the extent of Tainui territory but which was originally intended to remind the people that the deaths of these chiefs required revenge (Kelly, 1949:214).

As the result of an unsuccessful attempt to avenge the death of Te Kawairirangi, there arose five names which were bestowed on children born at this time. They were Peehi Korehu, Wahanui, Taonui, Whakakaraka and Te Riutoto. The names Wahanui and Taonui were passed on to men that became famous tribal leaders of Ngaati Maniapoto. Kelly (1949) described four hapuu and Stokes (1988:17) described a fifth hapuu of Ngaati Maniapoto that have derived their names from common ancestors:

Ngaati Urunumia - Grandchild of Tukemata
Roora   - son of Maniapoto
Kinohaku - sister of Maniapoto who married Tuirirangi of Kaawhia
Rereahu - father of Maniapoto
Rakei - a descendant of Hape who came over in the Tainui canoe

Ngaati Maniapoto were involved in a number of historic battles, allying with Waikato against Ngaati Tama, Ngaati Toa, and Ngaati Raukawa. However the most memorable battle in Ngaati Maniapoto history is the Maaori stand against British troops, led by Rewi Maniapoto at Orakau in 1864. For three days men, women and children numbering 320 resisted the force of 1800 British troops. When they were asked to surrender, the historic reply was:

"E hoa, ka whawhai tonu ahau. Ake! Ake! Ake!" (Friend, we will fight on forever!)

Out of ammunition and food, Rewi and his warriors broke through the British line to freedom and glory, thereby upholding the wish of his tupuna Maniapoto: "KIA MAU KI TENA, KIA MAU RI TE KAWAU MAAROO'".

Pulman, E (Auckland) :Portrait of Rewi Maniapoto, Alexander Turnbull Library Reference Number: PA2-1359

2. GENERAL TRIBAL BOUNDARIES

Tainui

To establish the boundary of Ngaati Maniapoto it is important to examine other boundaries that have an undeniable relationship with Ngaati Maniapoto. The Tainui boundaries, in which Ngaati Maniapoto is historically and geographically included, play a major role in establishing the southern boundary of Ngaati Maniapoto.  Throughout Tainui, and indeed in their relationship with neighbouring tribes, the extent of boundaries is best epitomised by the following whakataukii.

Ko Mookau ki runga
Ko Taamaki ki raro
Ko Pare Hauraki, ko Pare Waikato
Ko Mangatoatoa ki Waenganui
From Mookau in the south (Mookau River)
To Taamaki in the north (Manukau harbour and Taamaki)
With Hauraki to one side, Waikato to the other
Mangatoatoa in the middle (Marae near Kihikihi)

Ko Mookau ki runga

For Ngaati Maniapoto the Mookau River was the main highway, source of food, spiritual sustenance, and focus of tribal settlement patterns and mana. The mauri or life force, a spiritual dimension, taha wairua, is still in the river. The Mookau River is a tribal landmark and symbol of all of Ngaati Maniapoto (Stokes, 1988:47).

Pei Te Hurinui Jones

Another source illustrating the significance of the Mookau River for establishing the southern boundary is the Pei Te Hurinui Jones maps.

Unbeknown to many people Pei Jones was an accomplished cartographer who produced maps of the Tainui area. The maps illustrate boundaries as well as migration and settlement patterns, generally focusing on 1700 to 1840. There are three maps which convey two different boundary versions, implying, perhaps, tribal controversy over claims to land.

The first version has been taken from the maps dated:

a) Prior to 1800
b) 1840

The boundary begins at Pariririki (Pukearuhe or Parininihi now known as the White Cliffs) on the west coast, south of the Mookau River. From Pariririki the boundary moves in a direct line to the point at which the Ongarue River meets the Taringamotu River. The line then follows the Taringamotu River up to a point where a vertical line can be drawn to Tuhua Mountain. The boundary line continues along the mountain range Hurakia (Hauhungaroa), stops at Pureora Mountain, and from this point the line veers north­east in a direct line to Titiraupenga.

It is interesting to note that the map prior to 1800 clearly establishes the Puuniu River as the northern boundary.

The second version is taken from a map dated:

c) 1800.

The boundary line begins at the mouth of the Mookau River and proceeds up the Mookau River to the point at where the River veers north. At this point a direct line east to the Mangaroa River is drawn; the boundary line then follows the path of the river until it meets the Oohura River. From this point a direct line is drawn to the point at which the Ongarue and Taringamotu Rivers meet. The boundary line proceeds up the Taringamotu River to the point at which a vertical line can be drawn to Tuhua Mountain: it then proceeds along the Hurakia range and stops at Pureora Mountain.

These two map versions of the southern boundary serve as historical and background data to help substantiate a final and specific southern boundary. It is also interesting to note that an eastern boundary is established by the Hauhungaroa range, referred to as Hurakia by Pei.

Between the years 1840-1880 the Mookau region experienced, as many other districts did, the Paakeha settlement which encouraged the alienation of tribal land. The concept of complete alienation by sale of tribal land was misunderstood by all Maaori engaged in land transactions.

According to Stokes, in 1846 the missionary Schnackenberg commented that Mookau people:

..know nothing about the Queen's sovereignty (at least in this part) in New Zealand, and are of opinion that they are quite strong not only to drive all the settlers from the island, supposing they wished to be rid of them, but also to defend themselves against any force that could be sent from England. The natives of this place however are not all disposed to quarrel with the Europeans, on the contrary they are very wishful to receive a body of settlers to whom they would sell a tract of land , but they never dreamed that in such an event they would lose their chieftainship in the river.

This is a clear statement of the continuing traditional significance of the Mookau River (Stokes, 1988:133)

Mokau Pa , Alexander Turnbull Library Reference Number 1/2-028055

3. THE KIINGITANGA - THE KING COUNTRY

The Kiingitanga was established in 1858, the first Maaori King being Pootatau Te Wherowhero. It was not intended as an act of direct hostility to the point of war against the white settler. Paatara Te Tuhi says that the notion of a King for the Maaori originated with Taamihana Te Rauparaha, who voyaged to England and returned convinced that it would be an excellent thing for Maaori to have one head chief over them. In 1857 a great meeting of tribes was held at Puukawa. In June 1858, Pootatau was proclaimed King with much ceremony at Rangiaowhia, the green and beautiful "Garden of the Waikato" (Cowan cited in Tainui Consultants, 1989).

One of the major concerns that the Kiingitanga had to contend with was the alienation of their tribal lands. They became anxious as they watched the Paakeha settle and claim ownership of their lands.

Under the second Maaori King, Taawhiao, the Kiingitanga introduced the policy of non-cooperation in the sale and further alienation of tribal land. Ngaati Maniapoto became involved with the Kiingitanga and adopted their policy. The "land league" of Taranaki also resisted land sales. The outcome was war at Waitara in 1860. After a year of fighting the British troops abandoned Taranaki, and plans were made to invade Waikato.

Martin, Josiah, 1843-1916 : Tukaroto Matutaera Potatau Te Wherowhero Tawhiao , Alexander Turnbull Library Reference Number 1/2-051147

The invasion of the Waikato led to government legislation. The 1863 New Zealand Settlement Act enabled government to take lands from Maaori who they claimed were in rebellion against the Crown.

To punish the so-called rebels and prevent the reformation of the King Movement in Waikato, the government confiscated one­and-a-quarter million acres of land and opened it for European settlement and agriculture (King, 1977:26).

Ngaati Maniapoto did not suffer confiscation of their lands. Their strong kinship ties with Waikato meant they too suffered hardships while they supported Waikato, sharing their resources and offering them shelter:

After the Kingite forces were defeated at Rangiriri and Orakau, Taawhiao and his close followers fled into the bush and steep limestone valleys of Maniapoto territory (King,1977:26).

Redmayne, Thomas, fl 1880s-1890s :Attack on the Maori Pah at Rangiriri. [1863]
Alexander Turnbull Library Reference Number PUBL-0046-4-39

In 1863 Maniapoto was a closed territory to the Paakeha, called AUKATI, which became the barrier to negotiation. What is of importance is that the Aukati established the northern boundary of Ngaati Maniapoto, this being the PUNIU RIVER.

During the wars the Puuniu River became a palisade which deterred the enemy.

Beyond the Puuniu River the Maaori were not pursued, and the name "King Country" was transferred from the wider area to the district extending south of that small river (Craig, 1962:38).

It was not until 1871 that the first Paakeha was officially admitted into the King Country. The Aukati was lifted to allow Donald McLean, Native Minister, to begin land negotiations with the Maaori. In 1875 McLean proposed land for Taawhiao where a house would be built for him and the establishment of a district where his authority would be recognised.

It has been implied in various written sources that a definite rift occurred between the Kingites and Ngaati Maniapoto due to the offering of land and sovereignty to Taawhiao within Ngaati Maniapoto territory. This offer was again repeated by John Bryce, Native Minister, in 1882 which led to inevitable repercussions.

The jealousy aroused by the power given Taawhiao, and the offering of lands in the Kaawhia area, certainly seemed likely to drive a wedge between the isolated tribes (Craig, 1962:40).

In 1882 Ngaati Maniapoto and other tribes ignored Taawhiao's stand to maintain a policy of non-cooperation until all confiscated lands were returned to them; hence the opening up of the King Country. The Honourable Mr Justice Smith, Chairman of the Royal Commission on Licensing, 1946, reported that:

...the owners of the ROHE POOTAE under Wahanui/Taonui separated themselves from the King party under Taawhiao at Kaawhia, Mr C.T. Wilkinson, government agent, recorded the following:

Their first step in the new order of things was to separate themselves from the Waikato and the King Party, which they did by laying down the external boundaries of the land claimed by them, which they called ‘ROHE POOTAE' surveying the same and proclaiming it to be owned by the five tribes­Ngaati Maniapoto, Ngaati Raukawa, Ngaati Whakatere, Ngaati Hikairo, and Whanganui (AJHR, 1890,G-2:5).

The boundaries of the Rohe Pootae were initially decided by Taawhiao. A group of rangatira were discussing how to define the area when Taawhiao threw down his hat and said,

"Kia rite pea ki taku potae".
"Perhaps the shape of my hat will do".

This was accepted as a means of defining the area. Because Taawhiao had been involved in the setting up of the Rohe Pootae, Paakeha called this area the King Country (CMSR, 1990:2).

4. KAAWHIA

Kaawhia Harbour was Tainui territory for hundreds of years before the arrival of the Pakeha, and it remained Tainui territory for much of the 19th century. Following the wars it was closed to the Pakeha. In 1883, however, the government surveyed a small piece of land for a township there, buoyed the Harbour channel and erected beacons at the heads, established a Constabulary post, and declared Kaawhia Harbour to be open (Parsonson, 1984:2).

Looking over Kawhia Pa toward Kawhia harbour , Alexander Turnbull Library Reference Number 1/2-019363

The opening of Kaawhia Harbour by government in 1883 was to demonstrate forcefully to King Taawhiao and his people that the settler advance could not be halted, nor the power of the state resisted.

Waikato people had already witnessed the confiscation of their lands, the intrusion of Kaawhia by the Paakeha, a favourite place they regarded as their own, which angered and distressed them.

In October 1882 the Native Minister, John Bryce, had met with Taawhiao and told him that the settlement of the Pakeha could not be stopped. He offered Taawhiao what previous Ministers had... the return of the bulk of the confiscated land in certain areas of the Waikato, a pension, a house, various government offices, and the promise of .a seat on the Legislative Council. Taawhiao could not accept this offer, and requested both that government return all their lands and that he should retain control of their own affairs. "I ask you to leave me administration of my own land, and control of my people" (Parsonson, 1972:151).

Kaawhia was dearest to the King's heart. "There were other harbours he might claim", Taawhiao later explained to Bryce, "there was Kaipara, there was Manukau, there were others; but Kaawhia was the last, and could it not be left to him alone?" As the landing place of his canoe, Kaawhia had for him special significance. It was, too, a favourite retreat where the King was accustomed to spending much of his time. At Kaawhia he had been safe from the importunities of the Pakeha. He had hoped, not without reason, that here he would always find sanctuary. At Kaawhia there remains the last of the A Mahuta lands. Taawhiao could live there not only in security but, it had seemed, unhampered by Pakeha law. The Kaawhia lands were his own; they were under not only his Kingly mana, but his own chiefly authority. It was for him therefore to decide when the Pakeha might come; when too, the harbour might be opened to him. "Friend let me have the control of Kaawhia, leave it to me to make arrangements concerning it". But Bryce ignored him, and the King was powerless (Parsonson, 1972:153).

The loss of Kaawhia was to Taawhiao the loss of a landed basis for his power. There remained only one possibility, to lead a deputation to England and seek justice and the recognition of his authority from the Queen. Michael King records in his book Te Puea:

Taawhiao sailed from New Zealand early in 1884 accompanied by Major Wiiremu Te Wheeoro, who had fought with the government in the war and been elected Member of Parliament for Western Maaori in 1879, and Patara Te Tuhi who had been given responsibility for issuing the King's proclamations. (Also in the party were Te Roopiha from Hawke's Bay and Topia Tuuroa from Whanganui.)

Like non-English British subjects before and after him, Taawhiao assumed that the Crown ruled as well as reigned; that because the New Zealand chiefs had ceded sovereignty to Victoria in return for her protection, that same Queen would now consider their complaints in the light of their treaty with her. His confidence, of course, was misplaced. He was refused an audience with Victoria. Sir John Gorst introduced the party to the Colonial Office, and the Earl of Derby commended their petition to the New Zealand government, to whom he referred confidently as "our fellow Englishmen". These fellow Englishmen, however, eventually answered Derby's request for observations by concluding that they would least embarrass Her Majesty's government by saying nothing. Acting legitimately and in good faith, the King was dismissed and returned to New Zealand empty-handed. He did, however, use the occasion to make a clear statement to Derby of how he viewed the Maaori kingship in relation to the British Monarchy: "I am called a king, not for the purpose of separation," he said, "but in order that the Natives might be united under one race, ever acknowledging the supremacy of the Queen and claiming her protection" (King, 1977:29).

Taawhiao had been unsuccessful in his appeal to the Crown for the return of Waikato lands which would re-establish cultural roots, economic security and family life. He also failed in his attempt to revive morale and self-reliance through a Maaori parliament. And yet it was Taawhiao's memory, his goals and his sayings that were to dominate Waikato thinking for the next half century and determine the objectives of two subsequent generations of leaders. Their tactics were to be different, but their vision was Taawhiao's (King,1977:30).

It can be concluded from the events concerning the opening of Kaawhia, that rightful ownership of the harbour belongs to Ngaati Mahuta therefore establishing Kaawhia within the Waikato boundaries.

5. MAAORI LAND COURT SITTING

Ngaati Maniapoto - Ngaati Tama

It was at Waitara in 1882 that the Native Land Court held its first sitting and over the next few years claims were heard for the lands north and south of the Mookau River. Land north of the Mookau River clearly belonged to Ngaati Maniapoto and there were no challenges by "counter-claimants".

South of the Mookau River the situation was very different for there had been some occupation by Ngaati Maniapoto along the coast south to Tongaporutu. It was this occupation that was contested in the Maaori Land Court hearing in 1882. The investigation of title to the Mohakatino Parininihi Block, which included Poutama, the ancestral lands of Ngaati Tama, was the first case to be heard in Waitara, June 1882. The second case to be heard was the investigation of title to the Mookau Mohakatino Block.

Mohakatino Parininihi Block

This case was heard at Waitara by Chief Judge Fenton and Judge Munro. Spokesman for the applicants was Wetere Te Rerenga, who was supported by a group of Ngaati Maniapoto who lived in Mookau. Mr Richmond, a New Plymouth lawyer, appeared for the Ngaati Tama counter claimants. Separate application for the investigation of the Poutama Block was waivered and included in the Mohakatino Parininihi claim.

The applicants, Ngaati Maniapoto, and the counter claimants, Ngaati Tama, claimed their right to the land by way of ancestry (take tupuna), conquest (take raupatu) and occupation (ahi ka). Both recalled tribal battles, whakapapa and migration patterns pertaining to the disputed land that were recited in favour of each Iwi and their interest in the land (Stokes, 1988:135-140).

On 15 June 1882, an interlocutory judgment was given by Chief Judge Fenton which determined the situation up to 1868 and established that Ngaati Tama had indeed abandoned Poutama.

The Maaori Land Court adjudicated on the basis of what became known as "the 1840 rule", that is, that titles were established on the basis of occupation in 1840 when British law was established in New Zealand. The final judgment delivered on 20 June granted title for Mohakatino Parininihi to the Mookau section of A Maniapoto (Stokes,'1988:140).

Mookau Mohakatino Block

The application for title to this land was heard by the Maaori Land Court at Waitara in 1882, immediately following the above mentioned hearing. The evidence presented in the preceding case established Ngaati Maniapoto as the rightful owners of the land between the Mookau and Mohakatino Rivers. There were no counter claims.

The descriptive historical overview of the Mookau region, including the two Maaori Land Court hearings, are significant events that question the validity of the Mookau River as "THE" southern boundary. It is apparent from the court decision concerning the Mohakatino Parininihi block and Mookau Mohakatino Block that the southern boundary can be established further south of the Mookau River, extending to the above mentioned lands outer perimeters.

 

6. MAAORI LAND COURT BOUNDARIES

Western Taupoo-nui-a-Tia

At a Maaori Land Court sitting in 1886, at Taupoo, land was being contested by a number of tribes, including Ngaati Maniapoto who made claim to western Taupoo-nui-a-Tia. In a letter to the Native Minister in 1887 on the subject of making Tongariro a National Park, paramount chief Te Heuheu Tuukino of Tuuwharetoa made claim to Taupoo by the following proverb:

"Tongariro the Mountain; Taupoo, the sea;
A Tuuwharetoa, the tribe; Te Heuheu, the man" (Grace, 1959:500).

Claim to the southern area of Taupoo by the great Whanganui chief Tuuroa was illustrated by the following expression;

"Ko Ruapehu to maunga;
Ko Tuuroa to tangata" (Grace, 1959:501).

Thus the tribal domain of Upper Whanganui was identified.

As mentioned before, Ngaati Maniapoto made claim to western Taupoo-nui-a-Tia. This caused much controversy after Ngaati Maniapoto found themselves unable to counterclaim against Tuuwharetoa since Taonui had been issued with a subpoena to attend at the Magistrate's Court at Cambridge and arrived at the Taupoo hearing too late to put in a counterclaim (Paki, 1989:21).

The Court's failure to hear Ngaati Maniapoto evidence resulted in the Royal Commission boundary enquiry of 1889. Evidence of Ngaati Maniapoto to the Commission was presented in the document titled, "Re Maraeroa and Hurakia". It states that at a second meeting at Kihikihi in 1882 between the tribal leaders, Mr Bryce, and Mr Percy Smith, matters were agreed upon that constituted the Aotea "agreement" or "treaty". The document concluded that the agreement had been broken by the government from the fact of their having agreed that a Court should be held for the purpose of ascertaining the title to a part of the Rohe Pootae such as Taupoo-nui-a-Tia. This was contrary to clause 4 of the Aotea agreement which stated:

That only one application for investigation of the title to the land be made, the said application to be heard in full at one court (Paki, 1989:19).

What had been hoped for in 1882 was that machinery would be set in place to facilitate the whole Rohe Pootae being dealt with at once. Yet this never happened. Sooner or later, therefore, someone would be bound to make an application for part of the King Country to the Court. In the absence of special legislation for the King Country there was no way the Court could be prevented from dealing with the matter (Paki, 1989:20).

The Crown did not keep its part of the deal and failed to prevent the Rohe Pootae from being drawn into the Court where it was subdivided.

Waikato-Maniapoto

A full description of the Waikato-Maniapoto amended Maaori Land Court boundary is attached at Appendix II. While this particular boundary deviates somewhat from the accepted tribal boundaries, it has several key points to it.

First, it is perhaps the most comprehensively described and authoritative comtemporary boundary available. Based on statute, the Maaori Land Court boundary provides a line that could be readily accepted by any authority, including the Maaori Land Court.

The Maaori Land Court district also embraces those lands dealt with by the Native Land Court in the 1860s. Claims lodged by both the Taranaki and Maniapoto tribes were heard and determined in this forum. Therefore, the final.boundaries would have been those determined by the Court to belong to the various iwi and hapuu of those two tribes.

Finally it must be noted that, in determining its boundaries, the Maaori Land Court also determined that the Mookau River was the southern boundary of the Waikato - Maniapoto district.

Contd...